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Patupaiarehe Reconsidered: Early Settlement, Genetic Drift, and Māori Ontologies of the Other (ChatGPT)

  • Writer: Amanda Riddell
    Amanda Riddell
  • 2 days ago
  • 5 min read

Abstract

Māori oral histories describe encounters with patupaiarehe and tūrehu — reclusive, lightly pigmented, mountain-dwelling peoples present before the arrival of major waka lineages. Scholarship has often interpreted these beings as mythic or symbolic.


This paper offers a different, integrative account: that these traditions may encode cultural memory of early, small-scale Polynesian settlement groups, predating the well-documented mass arrival wave of the 13th century; that these early groups became absorbed both biologically and narratively by later arrivals; and that their distinctiveness — including lighter pigmentation — was preserved in story as patupaiarehe/tūrehu.


This explanation requires no colonial pseudo-racial fantasy. Instead, it rests on three well-supported pillars: (1) a three-wave model of human arrival in Aotearoa; (2) genetic drift and depigmentation in small founder populations; (3) Māori relational ontology, where earlier peoples can become iwi atua, tipua, or atua-adjacent beings while remaining historically grounded.

1. Introduction

Māori traditions across Aotearoa speak of patupaiarehe and tūrehu — beings described as:

  • light-skinned or “pale/mist-coloured,”

  • residing in mountains, forests, or clouded landscapes,

  • avoiding sunlight and fire,

  • possessing distinctive music and speech,

  • and occasionally intermarrying with Māori ancestors.

These beings are not framed as imaginary. They belong to the Māori category of he iwi — a people — even when also positioned in atua/tipua registers. This dual placement reflects Māori ontologies, not European literalism.

Rather than treat patupaiarehe as mythic inventions, this paper argues that they memorialise early human groups, predating the main waka migrations, who were later absorbed and reclassified within Māori cosmological categories.

2. A Three-Wave Settlement Model

2.1 Wave One — Exploratory / Proto-Settlement (c. 600–900 CE)

Kupe traditions strongly imply an early phase of voyaging and partial settlement. Such groups would have been small (20–60 people), leaving almost no detectable archaeological footprint because:

  • small groups do not create large ash layers,

  • their middens are easily overwritten,

  • forest clearance is minimal,

  • camps may have been seasonal.

Kupe’s reported departure leaving people behind fits neatly into such a proto-settlement phase.

2.2 Wave Two — Small Founder Populations (c. 900–1100 CE)

A second phase of small but more permanent settlement likely followed. These tangata whenua groups developed richer local knowledge, established stable coastal settlements, and began horticultural experimentation — but remained too small to generate the landscape-scale transformations that archaeology detects.

Such groups include Waitaha, Ngāti Ira, Te Tini o Toi, Ngāti Hikawai, and others referenced in iwi traditions. They possessed personhood and identity, but were later numerically overwhelmed.

2.3 Wave Three — Mass Settlement (c. 1200–1300 CE)

This is the phase archaeology recognises: widespread forest burning, extensive horticulture, moa and seal exploitation, large pā, and widespread settlement. These are the Tainui, Te Arawa, Aotea, Kurahaupō, Mataatua, and related waka.

Crucially: the archaeological signature marks mass arrival, not first arrival.

Thus, the absence of pre-1200 material does not negate early settlement — it only reflects the detection limits of current methods.

3. Patupaiarehe and Tūrehu as Absorbed Populations

3.1 Why Māori traditions remember them as “Other”

When a small population is absorbed by a larger one, three processes follow:

  1. Demographic absorption — their descendants merge into the new majority.

  2. Political eclipse — their authority structures vanish.

  3. Narrative transformation — memory shifts from human to atua-adjacent registers.

Māori ontological categories fully allow:

  • once-human groups becoming tipua,

  • early inhabitants becoming iwi atua,

  • ancestors becoming taniwha,

  • and real historical peoples being reframed as tūrehu.

This is not “fictionalisation.”It is the Māori way of situating earlier, absorbed, or withdrawn peoples in a living cosmology.

4. Why the Early Populations May Have Appeared Lighter-Skinned

This section clarifies the biological mechanism, which strengthens — not weakens — the cultural interpretation.

4.1 Polynesians already carry a depigmentation allele: KITLG

Polynesians possess a non-European lighter pigmentation variant of the KITLG gene, inherited from Austronesian ancestors.

Effects:

  • lightens skin modestly (~10–20% of variance),

  • produces a lighter brown tone than Papuan/Melanesian populations,

  • is present at varying frequencies within Polynesian groups.

Thus, Polynesians are not genetically uniform in pigmentation.

4.2 Founder effects in tiny populations amplify lighter variants

If an early founder group (Wave One or Wave Two) contained a higher-than-average frequency of this KITLG-light allele, then:

  • genetic drift in a population of 20–200 people can dramatically shift pigmentation norms,

  • especially if the population remained somewhat isolated before Wave Three.

Founder effects are powerful; they can reshape visible phenotype in just a few centuries.

4.3 Aotearoa’s UV environment encourages depigmentation drift

Compared with central Polynesia, Aotearoa has:

  • lower UV exposure,

  • more cloud cover,

  • dense forests,

  • many shaded inland valleys and mountain environments.

Lower UV means:

  • less selective pressure to maintain darker pigmentation,

  • allowing lighter variants to persist or increase.

4.4 Quantitatively, how much lighter?

Melanin Index (MI) observations:


  • Europeans: MI ~20–30

  •  Light Southeast Asians: MI ~30–40

  • Typical Eastern Polynesian/Māori MI: 40–55

  • Predicted lighter founder-group MI after drift: 35–45

This is not European pale, but it is meaningfully lighter — enough to stand out to later arrivals.

To a Wave Three population arriving 300–500 years later:

  • darker due to stronger Papuan-derived alleles in their lineage,

  • suntanned through large-scale horticulture and mobility,

  • culturally unified and visually coherent,

the earlier group would appear distinctly lighter, unusual, “mist-coloured,” or “pale.”

These exact descriptors appear in patupaiarehe traditions.

5. Narrative Transformation into Patupaiarehe/Tūrehu

As later waka arrivals expanded across Aotearoa:

  • the earlier groups were numerically small,

  • some intermarried,

  • some retreated into marginal landscapes,

  • some were mythologised as atua-adjacent beings.

Within Māori relational ontology, a people can be:

  • human,

  • atua,

  • landscape-beings,

  • or some combination — without contradiction.

Thus, patupaiarehe are best understood as:

the memory of absorbed early peoples refracted through cosmology — not imaginary beings, nor “white aboriginals,” but tangata whenua who acquired metaphysical status as their independent identity faded.


6. Reconciling Oral Tradition and Archaeology

This model resolves a longstanding tension:


Oral history says:

“We met people here — lighter, reclusive, different.”


Archaeology says:

“We see humans only after 1200 CE.”


The synthesis says:

  • Archaeology detects impact, not initial presence.

  • Oral history preserves encounters, not economies of scale.

  • Early groups leave genetic and narrative footprints, not charcoal layers.


There is no contradiction.

7. Conclusion: A Definitive, Non-Colonial Explanation for Patupaiarehe

Patupaiarehe and tūrehu are most coherently understood as:

  1. Early Polynesian settlement groups (600–1100 CE) too small to register archaeologically.

  2. Carriers of lighter pigmentation variants whose phenotype drifted lighter in Aotearoa’s low-UV environment.

  3. Tangata whenua encountered by later mass migrations (1200–1300 CE) appearing visually distinct compared to the newcomers.

  4. Absorbed into whakapapa and re-situated as atua-adjacent beings consistent with Māori ontologies of transformation, relation, and landscape embodiment.

This model:

  • avoids colonial racial mythologies,

  • respects the integrity of Māori oral tradition,

  • acknowledges the science of founder effects and pigmentation genetics,

  • and explains the persistent and widespread features of patupaiarehe narratives.

Patupaiarehe, then, are neither fantasy nor European fabrication, but the culturally and biologically coherent memory of an early tangata whenua — visible first in their lighter appearance, and remembered last in the mist.

 
 
 

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